Luke Coffey
US President Donald Trump’s state visit to the UK this week offered an interesting reminder of how far US-European relations have come during his second administration compared with his first. The images from England were stunning: smartly dressed soldiers, a horse-drawn carriage procession, all the trappings of a state dinner glistening in gold, and with everything revolving around the US leader.
In fact, Trump’s visit made history. He is the first elected leader to be hosted for two state visits to the UK. Keir Starmer’s invitation — personally delivered during the UK prime minister’s first meeting with Trump in the Oval Office in February — set the stage for the occasion, and also for the broader tone of US-European relations in Trump’s second term.
It is worth remembering how rocky US-European relations were during Trump’s first White House tenure. Senior European officials and leaders openly mocked the US leader in public and on social media. Trump, in turn, hit back with sharp attacks. Only a few European leaders at the time knew how to manage the relationship. Jens Stoltenberg, then NATO secretary-general and now Norway’s finance minister, was perhaps the most effective, even earning the nickname “the Trump Whisperer.” Emmanuel Macron, France’s president, also managed to build a productive relationship with Trump. But most of Europe’s elite were counting down the days until Trump departed the Oval Office.
This time, the situation is very different. European leaders across the political spectrum have demonstrated an ability to engage with Trump, unlike many of their predecessors in his first term. This has led to a healthier transatlantic relationship at a time when there are many geopolitical challenges.
What is the secret? The answer is to focus on the person, not just the position. Starmer understood that Trump admires the British monarchy, and a handwritten letter from King Charles inviting him to an unprecedented second state visit was well received. Finland’s President, Alexander Stubb, has become one of the most effective communicators with Trump on Ukraine. His path to the Oval Office was not through formal policy channels but on the golf course, having once played as a college-level golfer in the US. German Chancellor Friedrich Mertz, aware of Trump’s pride in his family heritage, brought a framed copy of the US leader’s great-grandfather’s German birth certificate during his first Oval Office meeting with him. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who is more ideologically aligned with Trump, has also found it easier to engage, stressing issues of sovereignty and migration where she and Trump share common ground.
High-stakes diplomacy and statecraft often come down to personalities. European leaders miscalculated in Trump’s first term by failing to engage with his personality and, instead, joining the anti-Trump bandwagon. By contrast, Europe’s new approach has already produced real results.
For example, the US and the EU recently agreed on what some claim is the largest trade deal in history — something unthinkable during Trump’s first term. NATO members have committed to spending 5 percent of their gross domestic product on defense, far beyond previous levels. And it seems that Trump himself is starting to shift on Ukraine. Previously highly critical of US military support, he now facilitates large aid packages of American-made weapons funded by Europe. This marks a dramatic shift from the tensions of his first term, when he openly questioned NATO’s value and European leaders feared US abandonment.
Had anyone predicted these outcomes before January 2025, it would have seemed unimaginable. Yet Trump thrives on deal-making. He enjoys bargaining, negotiating, and being the center of attention. He also respects tough negotiating tactics from European leaders.
The best example is Volodymyr Zelensky. Of all European leaders, Ukraine’s president faced the greatest difficulties with Trump in the early days of his second term. But over time, Zelensky adjusted his approach and became one of the most effective advocates for his country with Trump. The minerals deal between Ukraine and the US, signed after weeks of grueling negotiations and even a public Oval Office falling-out, illustrates this evolution. Zelensky learned to work with Trump on personal terms, becoming the enabler of Trump’s peace proposal and making the Kremlin look like the obstacle. The result has been stronger US-Ukraine cooperation.
This is good not only for Europe but for the US as well. Although some in Trump’s administration take an isolationist world view, Europe’s importance is undeniable. Europe is America’s most important single trading partner, largest export market, and biggest source of foreign direct investment. The economic well-being and security of the US are deeply tied to Europe’s, as the 20th century clearly demonstrated.
Even though many around Trump’s inner circle often criticize and complain about Europe, deep down they know how important the region is to the US. Even Vice President JD Vance, who has been highly critical of many political issues in Europe, especially those relating to free speech, recently found himself vacationing in the UK with his family. The symbolism of such a trip should not be overlooked: It shows that despite the rhetoric, the cultural, personal, and economic bonds between the US and Europe run deep.
It is, therefore, fortunate that European leaders have adapted their approach to Trump. By appealing to his instincts and personality, they have opened the door to a healthier and more pragmatic transatlantic relationship. For his part, Trump has responded to these gestures of goodwill by advancing cooperation rather than confrontation.
The lesson is simple. Diplomacy is often about personalities as much as policies. In Trump’s case, European leaders now understand that engaging with the man himself is the best way to ensure good relations for both sides of the Atlantic.
Luke Coffey is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute. X: @LukeDCoffey
